A new wave of anti-regime protests erupted in Iran on September 16, 2022. By Tuesday, September 27, the uprising had been reported in at least 156 cities across all 31 provinces of the country, including 16 universities. On some days during this period, at least 30 protests took place in Tehran alone.

 

For the twelve times in a row during this uprising, protests and demonstrations went on through Monday night and early Tuesday morning local time in numerous Iranian cities. Despite the regime’s massive crackdown, which included Revolutionary Guards (IRGC), paramilitary Basij, and plainclothes agents using brute force against protesters. Major anti-regime rallies were held in the Iranian capital Tehran as well as many of the country’s major cities, including Tabriz, Shiraz, Mashhad, Isfahan, Rasht, and Karaj.

According to sources from Iran’s opposition People’s Mojahedin of Iran (PMOI/MEK), protests have spread to 156 cities, with regime security forces killing at least 240 protesters and arresting over 12,000 more. According to reports, the regime’s security forces have injured hundreds, if not thousands, of people.

Students at Tehran’s Tarbiat Modares University held protest rallies on Monday morning, demanding the release of students who had been detained and encouraging others to take part in the nationwide demonstrations.

 

As of 7:30 pm Tehran time on September 27, protests in #Iran have spread to over 156 cities in all 31 provinces.

Over 240 people have been killed by the mullahs' security forces. Sources also report over 12,000 arrested protesters. #IranProtests2022 #MahsaAmini#مهسا__امینی pic.twitter.com/0RRRoURwhQ

— People's Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI/MEK) (@Mojahedineng) September 27, 2022

 

Many students have been arrested, according to reports, and the regime’s security apparatus is conducting house-to-house searches to identify and arrest protesters. This round of anti-regime protests has been particularly active among students.

Mahsa Amini, a 22-year-old woman from Saqqez in Kurdistan Province, western Iran, was arrested by the regime’s so-called “Guidance Patrol” on Tuesday, September 13. The arrest took place at the entry of the Haqqani Highway and she was then transferred to the “Moral Security” agency.

Protesting her arrest, Amini was severely beaten by security forces in a van and was taken to the capital’s Kasra Hospital due to the severity of her injuries. Following preliminary examinations, doctors determined that Amini had suffered a stroke while also being brain dead. Amini passed away on Friday, September 16. Protests erupted soon after in several cities, including Tehran and Saqqez. Protests have continued and grown since then.

There were also protests and demonstrations in the cities of Amol, Zahedan, Sanandaj, Shahinshahr, Kermanshah, Zanjan, Qom, Mehrshahr, Varamin, Shahr-e-Rey, Jonaqan, and others. To keep the regime’s security forces out of their neighborhoods, protesters are frequently seen setting fires and erecting roadblocks. Once on the ground, protesters are targeting the regime’s security forces, particularly IRGC units and plainclothes agents.

 

The Nationwide #IranProtests2022 Spread to 154 Cities; In the First Ten Days, 200 were Killed, and 10,000 were Detained. #MahsaAmini pic.twitter.com/dYMtM2wkUv

— NCRI-FAC (@iran_policy) September 27, 2022

 

To prevent the protests from spreading, regime officials in Karaj, located just west of Tehran, imposed power outages in many parts of the city. This only encouraged more people to join the anti-regime protests.

Iranian opposition National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI) President-elect Maryam Rajavi praised Iran’s courageous protesters and urged the international community to condemn the regime’s harsh crackdown. “The people of Iran give life to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights by resisting a regime that tramples fundamental human rights. I urge the international community to condemn the clerical regime and support protesters,” she tweeted.

Netblocks, a UK-based internet monitoring organization that tracks network disruptions and shutdowns around the world, continued its reporting on the mullahs’ regime’s internet disruptions on Sunday.

“Real-time metrics show a nationwide disruption to Mobinnet, one of Iran’s largest network operators, as widespread internet platform restrictions and rolling blackouts persist amid protests,” they wrote on Twitter.

Mobile internet access in Iran is officially suspended between 4 p.m. and 12 a.m. local time. Activists are most likely sending footage of nationwide protests via devices connected to landlines.

 

#WomenForce4Change, pioneering the overthrow of the mullahs’ misogynistic regime. They have come to obliterate the clerical regime during #Iranprotests. They have risen up to demand freedom for all Iranians. They want to bring freedom and equality to #Iran. pic.twitter.com/ANE0w2klR9

— Maryam Rajavi (@Maryam_Rajavi) September 26, 2022

 

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New cities and universities joined the anti-regime protests, protests following the unjustified murder of Mahsa Amini. More young people, including women, have been killed in western Iran’s Kurdistan cities as the mullahs’ repressive forces opened fire on protesters.

Mahsa’s death embodied the suffering of Iranian women

Mahsa, a 22-year-old girl from Saqqez in Kurdistan province, was arrested on September 13 in Tehran under the pretext of being “improperly veiled,” and was severely beaten by police, according to eyewitnesses. She went into a coma, and a photo of her in the intensive care unit at the hospital went viral.

Mahsa’s death embodied the suffering of Iranian women under the ruling theocracy over the last 43 years. It sparked protests in Iran’s volatile society, where people are suffering from the country’s economic crisis, which is the result of the regime’s corruption and incompetence.

Iran’s state media, particularly those of the so-called “reformists,” have warned of the dangers of ongoing protests while attempting to sell the public on the fabrication that Mahsa “died suspiciously” and whitewash the regime’s security forces. Nonetheless, their admissions reveal the regime’s current situation and failure to control Iran’s explosive society.

 

The state-run Mostaghel daily

“Officials refrain from showing the slightest flexibility in the face of domestic and international issues. They claim by taking one step backward, we should continue backing down from our positions and lose our hegemony,” the state-run Etemad daily wrote on September 19.

“Iranian youth were trained in our schools and raised while listening to official learning methods and lessons. If officials consider these young men and women to be norm breakers, shouldn’t we doubt our educational system first?” On September 19, Etemad Daily reported.

“When you tell the Iranian women to wear what I, as the ruler, say, they naturally ask what this so-called Islamic State has achieved for us as human beings and half of Iran’s population that our outfit should represent and preserve it?” Etemad continued.

The state-run Mostaghel daily acknowledged on Tuesday why people do not believe the CCTV footage of Mahsa apparently collapsing in police custody without being touched.

“There is nothing wrong with the people. These people who don’t believe the narrative of Mehsa Amini’s natural death are the same people who have not forgotten that our TV strongly denied the hypothesis of downing the Ukrainian passenger plane for an entire week, and dozens of news, analysis, and experts tried to prove it was an accident,” the paper acknowledged.

 

“The root of this inability lies in the domination of the security perspective on the media, as well as some fundamental and theoretical contradictions at the level of the top management of broadcasting, which unfortunately still remains. In the complex world of the media, there is a war of narratives going on.”

“While many religious and political figures have called out strict measures in dealing with women, the question now begs why some officials and forces use these types of actions, damaging the entire system,” the state-run Arman-e Melli admitted on September 19.

Many regime officials have recently admitted that Mahsa’s murder triggered four decades of bottled-up rage and hatred for the regime. People believe that the regime’s supreme leader, Ali Khamenei, and his president, Ebrahim Raisi, are responsible for the deaths of Mahsa and countless other women. People would not stop protesting against the genocidal regime even if the regime dismantled its morality police, despite what the state-run media tried to persuade them.

 

 

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The current demonstrations in Iran seem to be following a very well-known and noteworthy pattern. They were started specifically as a reaction to the murder of Mahsa Amini and the underlying repression of women’s rights on Saturday. As Amini was buried the day after being murdered by “morality police” while on a visit to Tehran, the initial demonstrations were also generally confined to Iranian Kurdistan. However, since then, protests have spread to at least 100 cities, assuming a very broad political message as demonstrators once more signaled their demand for regime change with chants like “death to the dictator.”

The ongoing protests have been described as the largest and best-coordinated movement since the 2019 uprising and the protests that followed in a number of recent reports. The analogy is telling because those demonstrations followed a similar pattern, with participants airing complaints about the misuse of public funds before ultimately stating their belief that Iran’s theocratic dictatorship should be overthrown in favor of a completely new system that actually reflects the will of the people.

 

 

When the regime’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei nominated Ebrahim Raisi as the only viable candidate for the June 2021 presidential election, he did so with the expectation that his sidekick would help to suppress further calls for regime change and anti-regime sentiment. Raisi’s prior participation as one of four members of the Tehran “death commission” during the 1988 massacre of political prisoners, which claimed over 30,000 lives nationwide, served as the basis for this expectation. The killings primarily targeted members and supporters of the People’s Mojahedin of Iran (PMOI/MEK), the country’s leading pro-democracy opposition group, which Khamenei acknowledged was a driving force behind the 2018 uprising.

In fact, Khamenei’s strategy quickly seemed to backfire. The vast majority of Iranian citizens declined to take part in the fake election that installed Raisi, at the behest of PMOI “Resistance Units.” Protests started following his administration almost immediately after he took office, with many activists publicly denouncing him as the “butcher of Tehran.” Before the end of his first year in office, the PMOI was reporting that Iran had experienced at least eight anti-regime uprisings since 2018. Chants of “death to the dictator” and “death to Raisi” began to appear during these protests as well.

 

 

Some of the most ferocious challenges to oppressive authorities were made during the first seven days of the demonstrations. Although human rights groups determined that security forces killed at least 40 people, protesters also fought back in self-defense.

A number of uprisings and associated instances of government repression have undoubtedly contributed to the simmering tensions that have contributed to the rapid escalation of this week’s protests. In November 2019, the largest recent uprising, mass shootings resulted in the deaths of roughly 1,500 people. Even though this did not stop additional large-scale protests from erupting only two months later, it did give many Iranians a strong sense of justice that had been denied for the previous three years. In those circumstances, the egregious injustice of Mahsa Amini’s death might have been enough to incite another uprising aimed at bringing a regime change.

 

 

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One of the most impoverished regions of the nation is Zahedan. In contrast to the girls, who typically work at tailor shops or provide water from pits for a minimum wage because most settlements lack piped water, the boys are required to work as porters at the Pakistani border after school.

 

 

On the ninth day of the nationwide uprising, Saturday, September 24, protests spread to various cities and universities. People demonstrated in various districts of Tehran, chanting, “This year is a year of sacrifice. Seyyed Ali (Khamenei) will be deposed.” People at High way  Park blocked the streets by lighting fires, and in Nazi Abad, south of Tehran, youths clashed with repressive forces.

 

 

On Thursday, September 22, people took to the streets in cities across Iran for the seventh consecutive day of anti-regime protests. In Tehran, a large crowd gathered on Keshavarz Blvd and chanted, “The supreme leader is a disgrace,” referring to regime Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei. These protests began following the death of Mahsa Amini. On Tuesday, September 13, a 22-year-old woman from the Kurdistan Province city of Saqqez was arrested by the regime’s so-called “Guidance Patrol” at the Haqqani Highway entrance and transferred to the “Moral Security” agency.

 

 

The killing of Mahsa Amini, 22, by the regime’s so-called “morality police,” under the outrageous pretext of “improper hijab,” has sparked protests in various Iranian cities.  After Mahsa Amini’s arrest and transfer to a police station, more people became incensed over her horrific killing, which resulted in protests escalating on Sunday in Tehran, Sanandaj, Mahabad, and Karaj.

 

 

The killing of Mahsa Amini, 22, by the regime’s so-called “morality police,” under the outrageous pretext of “improper hijab,” has sparked protests in various Iranian cities.  After Mahsa Amini’s arrest and transfer to a police station, more people became incensed over her horrific killing, which resulted in protests escalating on Sunday in Tehran, Sanandaj, Mahabad, and Karaj.